Lecture on Veiling Practices, Islamic Feminism, and Responses to
Western Colonialism
There are four major discourses on this topic:
A. Feminist discourses: grounded in the framework of Islamic
modernism inspired by Muhammad Abduh.
IJTIHAD: independent inquiry into the
sources of religion. First, started by upper-class,
educated men. The debate broadens as women and the lower middle
class enter into it.
Feminist writing becomes more
mainstream as they reach a wider audience through the press.
Interestingly, early feminists actually
opposed the unveiling of the face that male feminists advocated. For
women, veiling was a practical matter; for men a matter of ideological
and symbolic value.
B. Liberal Nationalist discourses: primarily spearheaded by upper-class
men who supported feminism.
Men from more modest middle-class
origins were antagonistic towards women’s emancipation which they saw
as emanating from foreign Western influence.
Political indepence top priority;
women’s rights secondary. Initially, male feminism was more
radical than women’s; later, women’s feminism became more
radicalized.
C. Islamist discourses: A conservative popular
Islamic movement grew up in the late 1920s (1928) with the formation of
an Islamist party called the Muslim Brothers.
The large majority of supporters were
drawn from the middle and lower middle class. They had a strong
nationalist platform: opposed British military presence and economic
imperialism (p. 209). As Badran points out, during the 1919
revolution, feminists and nationalists across class differences could
come together. However, after the revolution, these class
differences came to matter quite a bit. The Egyptian Feminist
(EFU) union came to be regarded as pro-Western because they used
primarily French; Westernized men not regarded with as much
suspicion. Raised questions of cultural authenticity.
THEREFORE, we have Islamist women like Zainab al-Ghazali who marked her
secession from the EFU and founded the Muslim Women’s Society and
saying that EFU was secular, ergo Western, and that Islamist women were
consciously basing their feminism on the Shar`ia.
Islamist men also went on the offensive, equating colonialism with the
pernicious effects of feminism.
D. Statist discourses: The state had a dim view of feminism in
general, whether Islamist- or EFU-sponsored, because of the political
criticism inherent in these discourses.
Non-radical, non-threatening feminism
was allowed to flourish that did not ask for drastic social reform,
when feminism coincided with the state agenda. Therefore, Zainab
al-Ghazali and Nawal al-Sa`dawi considered threatening and was
imprisoned but Bint al-Shati was lionized by the state because of her
non-militant stance. State supported, however, educational and
employment policies for women. In 1956, women given the right to
vote in Egypt. Women’s literacy rate increased; women university
graduates increased, growth of a class of professional
women.